In this paper I propose a definition on what right-wing populism is, by comparing three right-wing populist parties; the Swedish Democrats in Sweden, the Danish Folks Party in Denmark and the Progress Party in Norway. This is also my question formulation. I have used the idea analysis to straighten out the concept of right-wing populism. The purpose of this paper is to make a definition of the concept of right-wing populism, since one seldom speaks of what right-wing populism is but rather only uses it with parties who want to decrease immigration. However is it much more to a right-wing populist party than just the immigration question.      I begin by discussing the previous research about populism and right-wing populism to see what conclusions previous researchers have made.

The aim of this study is to describe the characteristics of right-wing populist parties in Europe. The three parties included in the study are the Swedish Democrats (SD), the British National Party (BNP) and the National Front (NF) in France. The study includes a definition of right-wing populism based on previous research and from that an ideal type of a right-wing populist party has been created. The material used in the study to verify how well the parties were consistent to the ideal type and what similarities and differences the parties in the study have are the parties? political programs and policies.

In Political Science a main theory is that a minimal winning coalition (MWC) will participate in the government. The parties included have to share the power of government. Therefore the winning coalition to be expected is the one including the fewest parties possible.My paper will atempt to examine if this is the main pattern in Swedish municipalities. My experience indicates that the ?Alliance for Sweden? including the four right-wing parties, that for the first time were connected through formal agreements in the elections 2006, formed a partly new and more obvious coalition pattern.

This bachelor thesis is titled Who is an extremist?  - A qualitative content analysis of the agglutination of right- and left-wing groups and is written by Måns Hoffsten within the discipline of political science. This essay aims to illuminate in which way the Swedish government has tackled extreme forms of left-wing and right-wing activism during the period 1980 ? 2013. By looking at how governmental policy-suggestions and reports concerning extremism are formulated during this period this essay explores when and how the two groups first started to become a part of the same problem-representation and on what premises this is built.

The goal of this essay is to analyse how women belonging to a Right wing political discourse talk about feminism and equality. This analysis will be used to determine if Right wing feminism exists. The analysis is based on Laclau and Mouffe´s  discourse theory as the primary base. The focus is articulation, antagonism and hegmony; the central terms of Laclau and Moffe´s theroy. The material consists of five interviews with representatives of women wings of liberal political in Sweaden; Liberala kvinnor, Centerkvinnor and Moderatkvinnor.The study shows that there are different opinions regarding feminism in the liberal political discouse, and that those opinions have an antagonistic relationship.

AbstractIn this essay, policy change and learning is studied in the case of the Social Democratic Party and their policy concerning independent schools. Their policy differs clearly from the right-wing parties. Between 1991 and 1994, the right-wing government made substantial reforms concerning independent schools. The question posed in this essay is whether the policy of the Social Democratic Party has changed as a result of these actions, and if they have approached their right-wing counterparts.Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, defining a policy as a result of the values the actor holds, the question is studied by applying the theory's assumptions of policy-learning across coalitions. The argumentation of the Social Democratic Party, as it is expressed in official text documents before and after the right-wing government, is analysed.

This thesis deals with non-wanted political parties e.g. Right wing populism. How should a democracy handle these opinions? So far these parties have been neglected and not even considered as real parties. By excluding them from the debate and the political arena, media and more established parties have seen them merely as a threat than as democratic parties.

As the numbers of immigrants to Sweden and the EU are ever increasing even the right-wing populist parties grow faster in number. Sweden, Germany and France are three European countries that receive 90 percent of all asylum seekers and should therefore have a well-established and talked about immigration policy one can think. Yet the political parties in Sweden do not mention much about the immigration policy apart from the political party Sweden Democrats. This study aims to analyze eight different political parties in the Swedish parliament through a textual analysis to see what kind of immigration policy they share. Carl Dahlström has a theory to determine what type of policy a certain party has and whether they want to assimilate or integrate immigrants.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how four teachers treats and teaches aboutxenophobia and right-wing extremism. A further aim of this study is to investigate whetherthere are any differences in how a teacher at a vocational high school treat and teachabout xenophobia and right-wing extremism against the teacher at a preparatory school, theydo. To achieve my purpose I have used qualitative interviews of semi-structuredform.These interviews were done with two social studies teacher at a vocational high schooland two social studies teacher at a preparatory school.My results show that teachers all too often respond to xenophobic views directly into theclassroom by reasoning and discussions with students. In my resault is also evident thatthere is a big difference between the teachers at the schools how much time you devoteto xenophobia and right-wing extremism in teaching.The conclusions show that these differences largely depend on which group of students thatteachers have.The conclusions will also be that there are great similarities between the way teachers reasonabout how to deal with xenophobia and the means to do, they also are relatively similar..

The Sweden Democrats uses a term to describe a situation where ?swedes? are being discriminated against by other ethnic groups and where the elite is promoting this. The term ?svenskfientlighet? can be translated as ?swedofobia? and in this thesis a speech by the party leader Jimmie Åkesson held during the election campaign that solely was dedicated to this term is being analyzed with the help of tools developed by the scholar Ruth Wodak. Ruth Wodak has previously analyzed the rhetoric by other European right-wing-populist parties like FPÖ in Austria and has asked for other researchers to analyze the speech used by right-wing-populist and extremist parties to get a better understanding for just how these parties construct their different enemies.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how four teachers treats and teaches aboutxenophobia and right-wing extremism. A further aim of this study is to investigate whetherthere are any differences in how a teacher at a vocational high school treat and teachabout xenophobia and right-wing extremism against the teacher at a preparatory school, theydo. To achieve my purpose I have used qualitative interviews of semi-structuredform.These interviews were done with two social studies teacher at a vocational high schooland two social studies teacher at a preparatory school.My results show that teachers all too often respond to xenophobic views directly into theclassroom by reasoning and discussions with students. In my resault is also evident thatthere is a big difference between the teachers at the schools how much time you devoteto xenophobia and right-wing extremism in teaching.The conclusions show that these differences largely depend on which group of students thatteachers have.The conclusions will also be that there are great similarities between the way teachers reasonabout how to deal with xenophobia and the means to do, they also are relatively similar..

Authors: Martin Mederyd Hårdh, Frida Nygren, Daniel PaulssonTitle: Under Extreme PressureLevel: Bachelor of JournalismLocation: University of GothenburgLanguage: SwedishMethod: Quantitative content analysisPages: 38Politically motivated extremism is a common topic in the Swedish public debate ? and hence in Swedish media. The purpose of our study is to get an idea of how the media relates to the extremist groupings. On a traditional political scale, ranging from left to right, our study focuses on the Swedish extremists who figure on the outskirts of this scale; The ones who denounce the current system and opt for violence to change it.Violence is often an instrument used to get extreme political ideals in the public eye, and is seen as a threat to the Swedish democracy and the public in general. Both sides argue that the Swedish press is tendentious and treat the various extremist groups differently, airing their distrust for the media as a propaganda tool for these groups to establish themselves in the public debate.Our study consists of a quantitative content analysis where we study articles published in print by seven major Swedish newspapers.

The goal of this essay is to analyse how women belonging to a Right wing political discourse talk about feminism and equality. This analysis will be used to determine if Right wing feminism exists. The analysis is based on Laclau and Mouffe´s  discourse theory as the primary base. The focus is articulation, antagonism and hegmony; the central terms of Laclau and Moffe´s theroy. The material consists of five interviews with representatives of women wings of liberal political in Sweaden; Liberala kvinnor, Centerkvinnor and Moderatkvinnor.The study shows that there are different opinions regarding feminism in the liberal political discouse, and that those opinions have an antagonistic relationship.

This thesis addresses the driving forces behind the Swedish state?s procurement of Helicopters 14 and 16 and the decommissioning of Helicopter 4. These actions have significantly affected the Swedish Armed Forces, especially the Helicopter Wing, in carrying out their operational tasks. On numerous occasions the Helicopter Wing has been unable to perform its tasks. For instance, the Nordic Battle Group 08 had no helicopters to exercise with and, until recently, Sweden had completely lacked the ability to hunt submarines with helicopters for almost ten years.This thesis also aims to compare the decisions in 1999-2000 regarding Helicopter 14 with the decisions in 2010-2011 regarding the acquisition of Helicopter 16, to find if there is a general trend and how much the Armed Forces were able to influence decisions.

In 2003 the parties in Sweden were invited to debate reforms of the Constitution. The purpose of this essay is to study the debate concerning reforms of the Constitution and identify values expressed by the parties. Moreover the goal of the essay is to connect the identified values to the three democratic ideals, which are; electoral democracy, participation democracy and deliberation democracy. This analyze is based on the idea analyze.The conclusion is that all parties have argued that the Swedish Constitution should be based on the democratic ideal of electoral democracy. However, the Right wing parties have also argued for inflection of participations democracy and deliberation democracy in the constitution.